Ziofascist Israel’s 2023 to 2024 Genocide of Palestinians, Part 28: August 10 to 20, 2024 — From the Al-Tabeen to the Al-Shati Massacre
A documentation of Ziofascist Israel’s 2023 to 2024 genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity against Palestinians from August 10 to 20, 2024. (Part 27)
August 10: The Al-Tabeen School Massacre
Ziofascist Israel’s propaganda about the Al-Tabeen school massacre and its refutation:
Jordan:
USA:
[…] Public records obtained by The Forward show that the Israeli government approved a grant of more than $100,000 to the Israel Allies Foundation in 2019. The IAF has not disclosed this or any previous Israeli grants to the United States government, in possible violation of laws requiring American political advocacy groups to disclose foreign-government contributions.
The IAF, which reported $1.4 million in revenue in 2018 and features a testimonial on its website from Vice President Mike Pence, did not respond to four emails seeking comment.
It is one of 11 American groups that received Israeli government funds, according to the documents, which show that the Israeli Ministry of Strategic Affairs and a quasi-governmental organization it created have given at least $6.6 million to U.S. organizations since 2018. These grants, along with millions more that went to groups in Europe, Latin America, Africa and Israel itself, were to further the country’s public diplomacy efforts, particularly against BDS.
The Israeli government’s gifts to pro-Israel American entities — including more than $1 million each to Christians United for Israel and Aish Hatorah’s Hasbara Fellowships — were publicly unknown until the last few weeks, after a politician not from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s party took over the ministry and dropped its longstanding stance against releasing its public records.
According to the Israeli documents, most of the grants to the American organizations were intended to send those groups’ members — and selected guests — on chartered trips to Israel, which often included meetings with Israeli officials. Spending these funds abroad, rather than inside the United States, may have allowed them to avoid onerous federal disclosure requirements designed to thwart foreign influence campaigns.
But documents also suggest that some of those trips included instructions for pro-Israel advocacy back home — in statehouses and on college campuses — which legal experts say may expose not just the recipient groups but also anyone who went on their trips to fines and even prosecution for violating disclosure rules. […]
August 11
Ibrahim Salem: “We were at Sde [Teiman], we heard that they raped someone. We went crazy when we heard that. When we heard that they actually raped him.
They even raped children. I swear to God, there was a young guy from Zietoun who was raped, not a young man, a child. He was 15 years old.”
[…]
I was tortured and face hardships from the first moment I got arrested until the last moment, for 8 months. Not a moment passed without us being tortured. From the first to the last minute I was tortured. We were tortured for whatever we did, for any move one could make. As long as you’re there, you are being tortured — verbal torture, sexual torture, they curse at you, they punish you.
[…]
You wanted to visit the doctor because you feel unwell. But after the army transport, you will have broken ribs and you’re bleeding, just while being transported from where you have been to the clinic. You would need to go to the hospital again due to the beating you received while being transported.
The interrogation process was really difficult. They used electrocution and they would strip you of your clothers and make you stand under very cold air conditioners. […]
ICC:
Complicity in genocide:
Olympics, the end of:
Berlin, Germany:
Ziofascist Israel’s August 10 Al Tabeen school massacre:
The first thing we need to know about history is who is telling us about it (the same applies to any media story, but that’s for another post). And we have been told our history, almost exclusively, by colonizer cultures.
British, German, and American historians have shaped the perception of history throughout much of the world in the last couple of centuries, and even in the present day, deep into postcolonial trends in thinking and speaking about history, most of the storytelling of history is crafted within the confines of Western institutions. Those elite schools are often referred to as threshold-terrorist, Marxist-leninist-maoist radical left cocoons; still, lo and behold, they manage to strictly enforce genocide compliance throughout their departments in every Western education system in existence.
[…]
The people who taught us history gave us a few reasons for this centuries-long rampage of murder, enslavement, rape, destruction, and what has been an actual apocalypse for so many civilizations that died and ended when white people arrived on their shores.
[…]
I want to suggest to you a different perspective. Consider it. What I think is: it may be very possible (and intuitively I feel strongly that this is the case) that the greatest temptation in colonialism, as in capitalism, is not the expected profit, but the sadistic joy of crushing people in a system that does not punish but rewards such behavior.
Legitimate murder, subjugation, and humiliation are the main thrill. The gold coins only come second. This, I’m sure, was the most addictive element of slavery well: not the profits made by a slave labor force, but the sadistic joy of owning them and being their master and practical god.
As human creatures, our greatest source of comfort, joy, approval, fear, pain, and reward is not objects and symbols: it is other people. Whatever we do, say, and choose, is always in relation to other people (this is why everything is political). So the explanation for any behavior always lies in the question: what kind of interaction with other people does this behavior enable, express, or seek to normalize?
And if you look at the world like this, you may also see the monstrous anomaly of colonialism as I suggest here. If you look at history like this, you will find it very reasonable that murder, humiliation, and devastation were not by-products of colonizers trying to get richer: they were the main objects.
Just as we cannot claim that what Israel and its Western backers are doing in Gaza is purely for profit — what profit do most Zionists and white, ‘Judeo-Christian‘ supremacists get from this? — we need to look at the history of colonialism differently. We need to allow ourselves to take into account the possibility that the vision that guides colonizer powers is not a fantastical bottom line, but the search for new people and communities that it is ok to kill and destroy. That is the rush. That is the trip.
Palestinian armed resistance against the genocidal settler-colonists:
Australia:
The MSO scandal:
Britain, France and Germany, the genocidal imperialist-colonialist states of:
Britain:
Ziofascist propagandist David Mencer:
Ziofascist David Mencer [projecting Israel’s responsibility and genocidal desires on Hamas]: “It is Hamas that is responsible for any, ah, civilian casualities, ah, in, ah, Gaza, ah.[!] […] They wish that there were ten times more, because it’s a key part of their strategy. […]”
Sky News interviewer: “You seem to be dismissing the deaths [KILLINGS] of 81 people as a PR coup for Hamas. These are mothers, children, these are families, many of whom have been displaced from others parts of Gaza [BY ISRAEL] who haven’t had anywhere else to go […]”
Ziofascist David Mencer [playing the victim and outright lying]: “So Jane, firstly, that’s quite offensive to say that.[!] […] our footage shows very clearly there were no civilians in the area at the time of the blast.[!!] […]”
Germany:
Germany justified Israel’s recent strike on the Al-Tabi’in school in Gaza, which killed almost 100 Palestinians during morning prayers, saying that Israel has the “right to defend itself.”
Palestinian survivors of the attack described how men, women, and children sheltering at the school were torn to pieces after Israel targeted it with three separate strikes on Saturday.
Videos of the aftermath show Palestinians sifting through the damaged school while collecting body parts of the victims.
“In the hellish aftermath, body parts were strewn around the rubble and charred, bloodied bodies slumped in the wreckage of the two-story complex,” AFP wrote.
Gaza’s civil defense agency said at least 93 people were killed, 17 of them women and children, in one of Israel’s largest massacres since the start of the war.
“Israel has the right to defend itself. The reality is that Hamas uses schools, hospitals, kindergartens as command centers and that the people in the Gaza Strip are also abused against their will as protective [human] shields,” government deputy spokesman Wolfgang Buechner claimed while speaking to the press in Berlin.
Buechner provided no proof of his assertions.
“That is also a sad reality in this situation and I think you have to be very careful about sitting on one-sided reports that are distributed by Hamas and believing everything that is spread by this side,” he further claimed.
Amid the criticism, the Israeli army falsely claimed that over a dozen out of more than 100 civilians massacred in its strike on the Gaza school on 10 August were “terror operatives” belonging to Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) movement.
Other world leaders, including EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell, strongly condemned Israel for the horrific attack.
“Horrified by images from a sheltering school in Gaza hit by an Israeli strike, with reportedly dozens of Palestinian victims,” Borrell wrote on X. […]
Ireland:
The International Court of Justice findings against Israel “are an extraordinary moment” in the global legal world that now requires the rest of the world to boycott the country, a leading Irish human rights expert has said.
The “ringing statements” made by the international court which has found that Israel has breached international law are “aimed at so-called law-abiding countries”, Prof Conor Gearty of the London School of Economics said.
“It’s not just enough to protest diplomatically. The court has said action is necessary, the action is tough,” and such action might require economic and academic boycotts, the Irish-born academic and barrister told the West Cork History Festival near Baltimore, which took place over the weekend at the Inish Beg estate.
“If there is to be any serious commitment to global justice and international criminal law the leaders of Israel and the leaders of Hamas will be arrested and tried,” he said. […]
USA:
August 13
Ben Gvir’s Al Aqsa Mosque provocations:
From ‘the most moral army in the world’:
Mohammad Mahdi Abu al-Qumsan (the surviving father): “She gave birth yesterday, just yesterday.
Interviewer: “Where have you been?”
Mohammad Mahdi Abu al-Qumsan: “I went to collect the babies birth certificates. I have them. I just had them from the Interior Ministry office.”
Interviewer: “You mean they were at home [when being bombed]?”
Mohammad Mahdi Abu al-Qumsan: “Yes.”
Children getting traumatized for life:
Body parts and kilograms of meat and bones as Palestinian corpses:
It is actually Ziofascist Israel which beheads children — again:
The insane irony/Orwellian doublethink:
Israel has been loudly and melodramatically fretting about an impending retaliatory attack from Iran and Hezbollah which it claims will likely include strikes in the vicinity of civilian population centers. This is of course rich coming from the regime that has spent ten months turning Gaza into a flattened wasteland of rubble and civilian corpses.
A Washington Post article titled “Israel anticipates direct attack from Iran; U.S. deploys more vessels to region” contains the following interesting paragraph:
“Israel has communicated to Iran and Hezbollah that targeting civilian population centers would be considered a red line for Israel, which is preparing for a spectrum of scenarios, including one in which Hezbollah attacks first and is joined by Iran afterward, said Yoel Guzansky, a former official on Israel’s National Security Council who is now a senior fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv.”
Israel’s fretting about attacks on its population centers is echoed in a recent Axios post titled “New Israeli intelligence suggests Iran prepares to attack Israel within days,” whose Israeli intel sources “said the attacks by Hezbollah and Iran are likely to be bigger than the one conducted by Iran last April and include the launching of missiles and drones at military targets in central Israel, including in the vicinity of civilian population centers.”
This claim that Iran may launch attacks “in the vicinity of civilian population centers” is funny in a couple of different ways. Firstly, the IDF headquarters is located smack dab in the heart of Tel Aviv, so any attack on the hub of the Israeli war machine would necessarily occur in the vicinity of civilian population centers. Secondly, it’s funny because Israel has spent years justifying its attacks on Palestinian population centers by claiming Hamas is using “human shields” by surrounding themselves with civilians to deter attacks.
Placing a legitimate military target in the heart of a civilian population center and then declaring a “red line” against attacking civilian population centers where legitimate military targets are located — after launching an insanely escalatory assassination in Tehran — is obviously using civilians as human shields. And what’s wild is that Israel’s own claims about Hamas using human shields in the same way have been conclusively debunked, firstly by the self-evident fact that the presence of civilians obviously doesn’t deter Israeli attacks at all, and secondly by revelations that the IDF deliberately waits to launch airstrikes on suspected Hamas members until they are at home with their families, thereby ensuring the maximum number of civilian deaths possible.
It goes without saying that Israel does not have any sincere concern for civilian lives, at least for anyone who’s paid attention to its actions at any time between the state’s inception and today. But it is worth highlighting these contradictions anyway, to contextualize all the histrionic garment-rending we’re going to witness should an attack on or near civilian population centers occur in the coming days.
Settler scum Daniella Weiss:
Daniella Weiss was born in Bnei Brak, Palestine, in 1945. Her father was from the United States and her mother was born in Poland and raised in Palestine since her first year of life.[2] Both Jewish immigrants, they were members of Lehi, a Zionist paramilitary militant organization, and took part in underground activities. [i.e. terrorism]
UN:
The State of Palestine:
Russia:
Britain:
Tal Hanan: “My name is Jorge. George is a nickname — and I don’t have a name.”
Undercover reporter: “You don’t have a name?”
Tal Hanan: “You saw what it said on the door, right?
Undercover reporter: “No.”
Tal Hanan: “It says nothing. That’s who we are. We are nothing.”
Narrator’s voice: “This is Tal Hanan, the mastermind behind team Jorge, a covert unit that specializes in hacking and disinformation. For two decades, Hanan’s real identity has remained secret. He operates in the shadows, using an alias: Jorge. Now a joint investigation by the Guardian and Forbidden Stories can reveal who he is, where he’s worked, and how he manipulates elections for money.”
USA:
Antony The Butcher Blinken:
Starbucks:
August 14
Ziofascist Israeli settlers versus the Palestinian village of Battir, a UNESCO world heritage site:
Canada:
Australia:
A Melbourne Symphony Orchestra scandal:
The Melbourne Symphony Orchestra (MSO) has cancelled an acclaimed pianist’s upcoming performance after he premiered a piece of music and dedicated it to journalists slain in Gaza.
The Australian-British pianist Jayson Gillham was scheduled to perform Mozart and Brahms at the Melbourne Town Hall on Thursday with the MSO, but Gillham’s name was removed from the MSO website on Tuesday.
Tickets were still available but a note read “an update to this program’s repertoire will be announced soon”. The MSO made its X account private on Tuesday and also limited comments on some Facebook posts.
In an email sent to patrons, the MSO stated Gillham would no longer be performing because of “a series of introductory remarks” he made during a previous concert on Sunday.
At that concert at Iwaki Auditorium in Southbank, Gillham had performed a number of songs, including the world premiere of Witness by Connor D’Netto — which the MSO said was a late addition to the program.
The five-minute piece is dedicated to the journalists of Gaza and was written for Gillham, according to D’Netto’s website. On Wednesday morning, Gillham’s team released the full transcript of what he said while introducing Witness.
“Over the last 10 months, Israel has killed more than one hundred Palestinian journalists,” Gillham told the crowd on Sunday.
“A number of these have been targeted assassinations of prominent journalists as they were travelling in marked press vehicles or wearing their press jackets. The killing of journalists is a war crime in international law, and it is done in an effort to prevent the documentation and broadcasting of war crimes to the world.
“In addition to the role of journalists who bear witness, the word Witness in Arabic is Shaheed, which also means Martyr.” […]
August 15
More Ziofascist Israeli genocide aka ‘self-defense’:
Reporter Bisan Odwa:
Bisan Odwa: “That moment that you realize when you don’t have home anymore because it is destroyed, so you decide to, ah, reshape your home, let me say.”
Ziofascist Israeli settlers:
Mahmoud Abbas:
USA:
The Ziofascist US University Columbia turned off their comments to prevent people from voicing their satisfaction with this decision:
August 16
“Before the war, we used to bury around one or two people per week, with a maximum of five. Now, some weeks I bury up to 300 people, or 200, 250, 30, 60, 90 or 100. It’s something that any sane person couldn’t imagine. […] I have only buried around two or three Hamas, all the others were women and children.”
In the days after the surprise attack on southern Israel on October 7, a total of some 120 Hamas militants, members of the movement’s Nukhba military wing and Palestinian civilians from the Gaza Strip were taken into custody in Israel. They were sent to a detention facility specially created on a military police base at the Sde Teiman camp, between the town of Ofakim and Be’er Sheva in the Negev. […]
Not long after the facility began to operate, testimonies were published in both Israeli and foreign media to the effect that detainees there were being starved, beaten and tortured. It was also alleged that the conditions of detention did not conform to international law. Further allegations were made concerning the treatment at the field hospital set up nearby. Staff testified that detainee-patients were fed through a straw, forced to relieve themselves in a diaper and handcuffed so tightly, for 24 hours a day, that there were a number of cases of amputation of limbs. […]
In the wake of the many testimonies that surfaced, five human rights organizations petitioned the High Court of Justice, calling for the site to be shut down. […]
The testimonies:
N., a student from the north, reservist
“When I got back to my company people were already whispering about the place. Someone asked if I’d heard about what was happening there. Someone else said, ‘You know you have to hit people there,’ as though he was taunting me and wanted to test my reaction, whether I was a leftist or something like that. There was also a soldier in the company who boasted that he’d beaten people at the facility. He told us that he had gone with a shift officer from the military police and they had beaten one of the detainees with clubs. I was curious about the place, and the stories sounded a little exaggerated to me, so I pretty much volunteered to go there.
“In Sde Teiman we guarded the detainees’ lockup. We did 12-hour shifts during the day or night. The battalion’s doctors and medics did 24-hour shifts at the field hospital. At the end of each shift we returned to Be’er Sheva to sleep.
“The detainees were in a large hangar with a roof and walls on three sides. Instead of a fourth wall, facing us, there was a fence with a double gate and two locks, like in dog parks. A barbed-wire fence surrounded everything. Our positions were close to the two corners of the fence, at a kind of diagonal, behind concrete blocks in a U shape. A soldier stands at each post, watching the detainees and guarding the military police personnel in charge of operating the place. We did shifts of two hours on, two hours off. If you weren’t guarding you could go to the rest area, a kind of tent that had drinks and snacks.
“The inmates sat in eight rows on the ground, with about eight people in each. One hangar held 70 people and the second around 100. The military police told us that they had to sit. They were not allowed to peek out from their blindfolds. They were not allowed to move. They were not allowed to talk. And that if… what they [the military police] said was that if they broke the rules, it was permitted to punish them.”
How were they punished?
“For minor things, you could force them to stand in place [for about 30 minutes]. If the person continued to make trouble, or for more serious violations, the military police officer could also take him aside… and beat him with a club.”
Do you remember such an incident?
“One time someone took a peek at a female soldier — at least, that’s what she claimed… She said he peeked at her from under the blindfold and was doing something under his blanket. The thing is that it was winter and they had ‘scabies blankets’… like army issue [rough, coarse blankets]. And they were always scratching underneath. I was at the other post and wasn’t looking in that direction. Then she called the officer and told him. The detainee was sitting in the first row and he was like… well, sort of a problematic guy. After all, they’re not allowed to talk. It seemed to me that over time, some of them became on edge… unstable. Sometimes they would start to cry, or begin to lose it. He was also one of those, who didn’t look very stable.
“When the military police officer arrived, the shawish [a derogatory term with many connotations in Arabic, but used to describe an inmate put in charge of other inmates here] tried to explain to him, ‘Listen, it’s tough. He’s been here for 20 days. He doesn’t change clothes and barely ever showers.’ Like, the guy tried to mediate for him. But the female soldier said again that he had looked at her. The officer told the shawish to bring the guy to the double gate and to take him outside. In the meantime he [the officer] called another soldier from his company, who was then in the rest area, who was always talking about how he wanted to beat the detainees.
“The soldier grabbed a club and they removed the detainee from the pen and took him to this kind of hidden place behind the chemical toilets near our rest area. I stayed at my post but I heard the sounds, a sort of knocking. About a minute, a minute and a half, went by, and they came back with the guy. You could see red marks on his arms, around the wrists. When they brought him into the lockup he shouted in Arabic, ‘I swear I didn’t look [at her].’ He lifted his shirt and you could see there were bruises and a little blood around the ribs.
[…]
Dr. L., a physician in a public hospital
“I arrived in the medical facility at Sde Teiman during the winter. In one hospitalization tent there were no more than 20 patients. All had their four limbs shackled to old steel beds, like the ones used in our hospitals years ago. All were conscious and all were blindfolded all the time.
“There were patients there in different conditions. Some had arrived a very short time after major surgery. There were many with gunshot wounds. There was one who’d been shot in his home in Gaza just a few hours earlier. Every physician knows that what such a person needs is a day or two in intensive care and then to be moved to a ward; it’s only there that recovery will actually start. But the person was sent to a pen in Sde Teiman two hours after surgery. To a tent. At the hospital, they would have said that he could be released. I dispute that. Patients like that in hospitals are in intensive care. It’s totally clear.
“There was another patient suffering from a systemic infection — sepsis. He was in critical condition, and even according to the protocol, he should not have been there. Only patients who are completely stable are supposed to be hospitalized at Sde Teiman. But he was there and they said there was no alternative.
“Other than the fact that there was no surgeon there, which is inconceivable at a place like that, the medical team was very professional. Everyone really tried — if you ignore the fact, that in my eyes, at least… to hold a person without letting them move any of their limbs, blindfolded, naked, under treatment, in the middle of the desert… in the end it’s no less than torture. There are ways to administer even poor treatment, or even to torture a person, without crushing cigarettes on them. And to hold them like that, unable to see, move or talk, for a week, 10 days, a month… that is no less than torture. Especially when it’s clear that there is no medical reason. Why shackle the legs of a person with a two-day-old stomach wound? The hands aren’t enough?
“The thing is that when I was there, it all somehow looked normal to me, because there are excuses [for sending them to the camp’s hospital], and the medical work takes place in a normal, familiar space. But in the end, what’s happening there is total dehumanization. You don’t really relate to them as if they’re real human beings. It’s easy to forget that when they don’t move and you don’t have to talk to them. You just have to check off that some medical procedure was done, and along the way you remove the whole human dimension of medicine.”
[…]
T., 37, a reservist from the north
“I was there for 20 days. The place was divided then into four main pens, with two hangars in each. One of the pens also had an additional small hangar, for minors. All in all there were nine hangars and in each one there were between 50 and 100 detainees, except for the one with the minors, where there were maybe between 10 and 20.
“In each hangar everyone had the same clothing, blue, and a sort of orangish-yellow blindfold. They wore flip-flops and each had a yoga mat, only thinner, and they weren’t allowed to budge from it. During the day they were not allowed to lie down; at night they’re not allowed to sit. Standing was not allowed at all without authorization. And they’re not allowed to talk. Most of the time they would sit with arms shackled, and blindfolded. Actually, not most — they’re like that all the time, day and night.”
[…]
“Anyone who violates the instructions, whispers or tries to move his blindfold gets a punishment. The easiest punishment was to [be made to] stand up. The next stage was to stand with arms raised. The next is they’re taken out of the facility and given something like four or five blows with a club. Somewhere in the upper body, not the face.”
Where does that happen?
“Outside the lockup area. The person is taken to a more hidden place, or to a corner where people don’t see [what’s going on].”
Whom do the people [meting out the punishment] have to hide from?
“Good question… I don’t know. Maybe from the control room [in a closed compound on the site, off-limits to soldiers] that observed them. It was said that there someone was watching them all the time, at least in theory.”
Who would do the hitting?
“Usually the military police officers.”
Why do you say “usually”?
“Like, there were actually cases of soldiers who were really gung-ho to hit, so they would ask… and they [the military police] would sometimes agree to let them. But usually it was the officers themselves.”
Then why did they agree sometimes to let the soldiers do it?
“I don’t know, I think it was a sort of deviation, but I’m not sure whether it was against the rules or just against the custom. There was a bit of a feeling that it wasn’t really right to allow soldiers to do it.”
[…]
During an average shift, how many punishments were there?
“I would say… once every two hours there was a case of beating. There were more punishments of being forced to stand up. Most of the time someone was standing.”
Were there other incidents involving violence?
“Yes. The punishments involved relatively minor violence. The more extreme violence was in the body searches of all inmates in the pen. A search was really something very, very… a lot more violent. Mostly, it was done by Force 100. At first it wasn’t clear to us if that was something official or if these were just people who call themselves Force 100 [a unit of IDF reservists that is under the command of the military police] and have this kind of tag attached to their uniform. Afterward it became more institutionalized. They are reservists but they have the whole wassah [soldiers’ arrogant pretense] thing that’s big in the army now, the whole facade. They have a tactical uniform and walk around in ski masks with special gear, and there also an air of secrecy about them.
“People said they were guys from special-ops units who were supposed to deal with serious disturbances. So they conduct these searches, once or twice a week, in each of the pens. When they showed up for a search, a whole bunch of people and officers accompanied them. I don’t know exactly what their role was. They would stand there, pretty much observing.
“Usually for a search, a Force 100 team of about 10 fighters showed up. They made the detainees lie on their stomachs, hands behind their head. During the first search I saw, after they were lying down, five inmates were taken out each time, according to some sort of order. They took them out violently, stood them up outside, faces to the fence, and searched them. Usually they pulled one of them out — I don’t know whether randomly or not — and threw him onto the ground. They searched him there and also beat him a little. It looked like an excuse to sow terror. It wasn’t an ordinary search. It was very violent, certainly for the guys they threw on the ground, who were beaten badly. They kept going, [taking] five at a time, until they searched them all and brought them back in.
“And there was something else. Force 100 would take something like 10 people from each lockup. They came with lists and knew who the people were. They took those guys aside and really laid into them. I know that this list was prepared by the military police and not by Military Intelligence or the Shin Bet [security service]. In other words, it wasn’t in order to extract intelligence from them. They came with a list of names and beat them viciously. It was blows at a level that… I think that each time teeth were broken, bones were broken. Because there were really powerful blows.”
[…]
How long did this last?
“Until they got tired of it. There were also times when they invited regular soldiers to take part in the beatings, from the guard units or from the military police. I don’t know whether it was coordinated in advance with them, or they just called on them spontaneously, but it was a type of gesture to certain soldiers, who were in the loop.
“There were instances when I didn’t see the beatings, but I did hear the punches or the shouts. They were very intense, the shouts. They were more intense than what I sometimes heard in other interrogations. Now, all this time, the dogs were also coming and barking and jumping on them. With a muzzle, yes, but scratching them and really scary. Ah… at the beginning there was also a stun grenade. Yes, every time a search like that started, Force 100 threw a stun grenade into the pen.”
How long did [the procedure] go on for?
“It took time. There’s a lot of people. It could take an hour, an hour and a half. A long time.
“The second search I saw was almost the same as the first, only it took place inside — the detainees weren’t led out. After they threw the stun grenade and everyone was lying down, Force 100 entered and took five people each time, stuck them in some corner of the pen and did the same thing: a very violent search. And then, when they returned the detainees, they simply threw them back into their places.”
What do you mean, “threw”?
“Threw them. Like, they threw the guy and he falls down, on other people. He’s blindfolded and shackled and he can’t even brace himself for the fall.”
And none of the people around said anything?
“No one. There were a lot of people, including officers, it wasn’t something that was done in the dark. That kind of thing happened in the lockup, so everyone saw what was going on. There were two or three lieutenant colonels there from the military police. It’s not something that was done behind the back of the commander of the camp. I don’t know if that was procedure, but it looked as though the soldiers knew exactly what they were doing. And the officers… yes, they stood there, they were the commanders of Force 100. It didn’t look like the force decided on its own to do that.”
[…]
What opportunities were there, for beating him?
“Because of the searches, I think his legs were broken, so every time he had to stand for the head count, for example, and he couldn’t stand up. So that was an excuse to take him out and beat him some more.”
But did he get beaten during every head count?
“Not in every head count, but quite a lot. Quite a lot.”
Did he say anything?
“No, he looked exhausted. Sometimes he begged them to stop.”
And among yourselves, among the soldiers, did anyone have questions about what was going on there?
“There were soldiers, mainly female soldiers, who went into a kind of panic attack when they saw a search. But there were plenty who were enthusiastic about doing those shifts, who wanted to be there. Even the officers from my company looked for an excuse to show up. It fills you with adrenaline… like, when I was in the situation, too… it’s not some ordinary sort of situation. It causes stress. The rest of the time it’s boring in the tent of the rest area, and there’s not much interaction between the soldiers. There’s a few tables, you sit, pass the time, and suddenly it happens. There’s action.
“Most of the guys were just fine with what was happening. There were some who were a little bothered by it, and there were others who were bothered by it at the start and then they toed the line with the system. The excuses were that ‘it’s wartime,’ ‘they are terrible’ and ‘there’s no other way to impose discipline on them.’
[…]
A., student and reservist in the military police
[…]
“I enlisted believing, and I still believe, that the army knows how to achieve its goals, even if it’s not always understood by the ordinary soldier. Even if it looks bad from the outside. I have met many principled people in the reserves, but there were also some who were not. Some of each.
[…]
Were there exceptional events?
“Now that you bring it up, I remember a story with a tiyulit. There were soldiers who threw Palestinians off it.”
Threw them?
“Instead of taking them down by the steps, they simply pushed them off, from the height of the vehicle’s floor. Down to the ground.”
Were they bound and blindfolded?
“Yes. Handcuffed. Maybe also by the legs. They just fell, like a stone.”
Was anyone injured?
“In my opinion, yes. A person was injured there.”
Was anyone punished for that?
“Not that I know of. In the days that followed, we were told that it wasn’t okay. The commanders at the facility said that we needed to make sure that didn’t happen again.”
Did you have dilemmas during your service there?
“I suppose some came up, I don’t exactly remember. But as I said, I came to do the work without thinking too much about it. I relied on the idea that the bigger system knows what it needs to do and why it needed me there. I trust the army. And everything I saw at Sde Teiman looked to me, all in all, very logical, under the circumstances.”
[…]
R., student and reservist, from Tel Aviv
[…]
“When you come to the camp, the first thing that hits you is the smell. The place really stinks, in an extreme way. When there’s a little wind, maybe it’s possible to shift your position a little so you can avoid [the smell]. But nearby it was intolerable.”
What does it smell like?
“Like the smell of dozens of people who have been sitting in close quarters for more than a month in the same clothes and in insane heat. They let them shower for a few minutes around twice a week, but I don’t remember ever seeing that they gave them a change of clothes, in any case not on my shifts.
“I came there with the mindset of a soldier. Let us do our time, without asking anything, and then go home. But two incidents happened in the wake of which I couldn’t continue there any longer.
“The first was in one of the pens. Guys came from the escort force, who in my opinion were military police reservists. They came in like big shots, with ski masks, and led three or four detainees out. They made them walk bent over, handcuffed and with flannelette on their faces. Each of them held the shirt of the person in front of him. And then suddenly I saw one of the police officers, right at the entrance to the pen, take the head of the first detainee and ‘boom,’ smash him with force into some iron part of the door. And then he smashed him again and said ‘Yalla.’ The moment I saw that I went into total shock. It was simply right opposite me… suddenly I saw someone with the thought going through his head that, ‘Fine, this is not a human being. I can simply bash his head against the door. Just because I feel like it.’ The nonchalant way he did it stunned me. He didn’t look angry or full of hatred, he even laughed at it.”
Did anyone there say anything?
“No.”
Were there other violent incidents while you were at the facility?
“Yes, but it wasn’t ‘Yalla, let’s take them apart.’ And also, think: This is a procedure [that demands an effort]. You need to take the guy, get an escort, open two locks, take him out, bring him to a place on the side… let’s say without cameras. It’s hard to do that. So you don’t do it casually.
“The more extreme cases come in the wake… for example, a female soldier from the company said that a detainee peeked at her and touched himself sexually. So they brought in Force 100, who beat him viciously. There was also a case when Force 100 came to deal with a detainee who gave a soldier the finger. I didn’t see that, but the guys were pretty excited. When they got back from the shift, they talked enthusiastically about the beating he took. Overall, everyone knows where there are cameras. All the relatively extreme things that happened there were in areas not covered by the cameras.
“The second incident that knocked me for a loop was during a night shift in the hospital. I was sitting, bored, with a military police officer outside there, when one of the detainees inside asked for something, or cried. The officer was a Druze. I asked him if he knew what the story was with this detainee. He said he didn’t and asked whether I was interested. I said I was. So he went into the tent.”
[…]
“Anyway, the [Druze] officer spoke with him for a few minutes in Arabic, and at the end the Palestinian began to cry. Weeping frantically. Then the officer came out, half guffawing, trying not to laugh. He said the guy talked about his life in Gaza, about his job, his family. He said he had gone to visit his brother, who was hospitalized in Shifa [Hospital], and that he was arrested there. When I asked, ‘So why is he crying?’ the officer said, ‘Ah… he misses his wife, children, the family. He has no idea what’s happening with them.’
[…]
They keep pumping it into your brain that you have to disconnect. That they’re not people. That they’re not human beings.”
Who said things like that?
“The guys, the company commander, the officers, everyone. You know, there was a female officer who gave us a briefing on the day we arrived. She said, ‘It will be hard for you. You’ll want to pity them, but it’s forbidden. Remember that they aren’t people. From your point of view, they are not human beings. The best thing is to remember who they are and what they did in October.’
“Until then I’d seen [television] reports, things they said on the news about the place. I also saw videos of released Gazans who talk about what goes on there. But suddenly, when you’re in it, they become real people. You notice how easy it is to lose your humanity in a second, how easy it is to come up with justifications for treating people as if they’re not people. It’s like in the movie ‘The Wave’ [a 1981 film about a high-school teacher who does a simulation experiment with his students how easily they can be made to lose their humanity]. Only in your face, and live. It was insane to see how that happens.”
[…]
A., student and reservist, from Be’er Sheva
[…]
“I arrived there with a lot of apprehension. I’d read things in the newspapers, and there was also fear of the place itself. After all, you’re guarding terrorists, murderers, from a meter away; and they also know how to fight. But that was just during the initial shifts. Over time you get used to it, and in general I didn’t sense a feeling of true fear on the ground.
“I did guard duty in the pens and in the hospitals. No complaints about the medical team. They are angels. Do you know what it is to change a diaper for a terrorist and wipe his bottom? And they do it with relative dignity and without humiliation. Sometimes there were a few laughs about patients, or they would call them names, maybe insulting ones. But overall they were doing sacred work.
[…]
“It was in one of the first shifts. I was sitting in the gazebo of the prison camp, in a break between shifts, when a military police officer with a rubber club came over and said, ‘Come with me, we have to deal with someone who’s making trouble.’ I went with him and with another soldier and we removed a detainee, who was about 40 or so. He had a bandaged leg and he limped a little. We took him to the side of the lockup, to an area that you don’t really see, and the military police officer hit him four times on the back with the club and while doing it shouted at him, ‘Be quiet! From now on — uskut [“keep quiet” in Arabic]!’
“The Palestinian raised his hands and tried to protect the back of his neck, even though the club didn’t land there. And then, while he was being beaten, he shifted the blindfold by mistake and it fell to his neck. That set off the officer and he started to beat him even harder. The Palestinian fell to the ground, it looked as though he was giving up, that he had no more strength to stand and he was simply collapsing. And then he started to shout, in Arabic, “Laish? Laish?’ — like, ‘Why? Why?’… And from the ground, while he was maybe trying to protect himself with his hands, he suddenly looked at me.
“He looked me in the eyes and begged, ‘Laish? Laish?’ His eyes were brown and large, and bulging from the sockets from all the pain. His veins swelled up, he was red and obviously suffering. I stood there, shocked. Never in my life had I seen a look like that. The shouts stressed out the military police officer a bit, so he cursed him and spat on him. And then he was taken back to the pen.
Did you take part in the beating?
“I prefer not to answer. […]
“If the definition of a sadist is someone who enjoys causing another to suffer, then I can give examples from all parts of the scale. One evening I was doing guard duty in the prison camp. There was a reserve battalion there, veteran guys who did a lot of barbecues and listened to music in the rest compound. The tent was pretty far from the camp, but the smell wafts there sometimes, and also the music. So I smelled the meat while I was at my guard post; I could see that the detainees were smelling it in the air, too. I think they were pretty tormented by that. When I finished my shift, I passed by the tent and one of the guys asked if I wanted pita with kebab. I told him I didn’t feel comfortable with that, there were hungry people so close. He made a face. Like I was being self-righteous, a moralist. And then he smiled and said, ‘Why? For me, it’s a lot tastier like this, when they’re suffering.’”
[…]
How did other soldiers react to this situation?
“[With responses like,] ‘You know who they are and what they are,’ you know, the usual excuses: ‘They have it coming,’ or ‘it’s necessary, because it’s a war.’
“I felt that there was blindness there by choice, that this was the way to live with the dissonance the place creates. That really stands out in the double meaning that words have. You say one thing, and everyone understands the additional meaning exactly. For example, when they say to take someone ‘aside,’ it’s obvious to everyone that the intention is to take them outside the range of the cameras. Or in one of the searches of Force 100 they picked up a detainee and took him to a corner. When they came to lowering him to the floor, suddenly one of them says, ‘Hey! Are you resisting me?’ And right away everyone around starts kicking, punching and shouting, ‘He’s resisting.’
“I’m standing there and I see exactly what’s going on. He didn’t resist in any way. He was thrown onto the floor, he tried to protect his head, his face, with his hands, to curl up. And they keep going. It was clear to everyone standing there that he didn’t really resist. Because that’s what there was in reality. But afterward, when I spoke with a soldier who was there and saw everything, he justified the beating and said, ‘That’s what has to be done to a detainee who resists.’ I was silent. I understood that he was blind to the truth, by choice.
“They would bring us an inmate and say, ‘He’s dangerous.’ And you know, that statement, that he’s dangerous, is meaningless. And even if he is. What is he going to do? His hands and legs are already bound, and even so he’s placed in the front row in the hangar. I understood that word — ‘dangerous’ — to be like a hint. Like they’re telling us that later it will be possible to beat him savagely. And that’s how it was, too.
Settler violence:
A logical conclusion: the genocidal terrorist state of Israel needs to be dismantled
Dan Blitzerian: “Yes. Israel has committed so many terrorist attacks, they are stealing land right now, they’re operating on apartheid, ahm, they’re currently committing a genocide on Palestinians […]
[…] they wanted a reason to take the land — and they killed their own citizens. And they claimed that all these people got raped — that was bullshit. They claimed beheaded babies — that was bullshit. Everything that they said was a fucking complete… not only was it a lie, but they committed all those atrocities themselves to the Palestinians and were caught doing it. In fact, they were just caught gang-raping Palestinians. You know, how many babies have they killed? All the things that they accuse the Palestinians of and Hamas of or whatever, they’re guilty of a hundredfold themselves.”
Qatar:
Qatar’s top intelligence official has been awarded a medal from the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for his role in strengthening intelligence cooperation with the United States.
State Security Agency chief Abdullah bin Mohammed al-Khulaifi received the George Tenet medal from CIA Director Bill Burns earlier this week, according to US media outlet Axios.
Burns gave al-Khulaifi the award in “appreciation of his role in maintaining national and regional security” between the two allies in the Gulf region, Axios reported on Thursday, citing two sources.
Al-Khulaifi was also honoured for his “exceptional support” given to the US agency “in preserving the interests and security of the US and Qatar”, the report said.
The Qatari agency is closely cooperating with the US in counterterrorism “to prevent and foil threats and attacks” in the Middle East, Axios quoted one source as saying.
Both the CIA and Qatar’s State Security Agency have yet to issue a statement on al-Khulaifi’s award.
Qatar and the US have a decades-old relationship, and Qatar hosts the US Air Force base at Al-Udeid.
Tenet had served as CIA chief for almost eight years, from 1996 to 2004, under the administrations of both President Bill Clinton and President George W Bush, and helped to spearhead the country’s military invasions into both Afghanistan and Iraq.
UN’s Francesca Albanese:
Francesca Albanese: “It’s true that the US is a power ally on the side of Israel. But I can’t believe that… it blows my mind that the rest is completely supine in the face of this alliance. So it means that a number of Western countries are fine with how the US and Israel are behaving at the international level vis-a-vis the international system.
And also other countries are just indifferent. I mean the Arab world, this requires its own investigation and a reflection on its own. […] The silence of many Arab countries and the fact that a number of them have maintained cooperation with Israel even at a time of atrocity — this is not normal.”
France:
Britain:
A resignation letter from the civil servant and arms sales expert Mark Smith titled “FCDO complicity in War Crimes”:
USA:
Netzah Yehuda:
The US will keep funding a controversial Israeli military unit well known for its brutal tactics and human rights abuses. The State Department found that Netzah Yehudah had made enough changes that it should not be stripped of US support. This former department official has called that decision into question.
Charles Blaha: “It’s inexplicable. Netzah Yehuda […] is a unit notorious for committing gross violations of human rights. There has never been any punishment for any member of Netzah Yehuda. The government of Israel discharged some people from active duty. It gave reprimands. It is requiring training courses. These are administrative measures. These are not sufficient. Incarceration is the standard for those responsible for gross violations of human rights.”
Blaha was a director in the bureau, overseeing human rights for 7.5 years. His office implemented the Leahy Law which restricts assistance to foreign military units that abuse human rights. Top US officials regularly say that they apply the law equally to everyone.
Antony The Butcher Blinken: “Do we have a double standard? The answer is no.”
Charles Blaha: “That is completely untrue. Normally, decisions about Leahy ineligibilities […] are made at the expert level, by people who are familiar with the incidents, and by people who are familiar with the law. This decision was made by the Secretary of State — something totally unprecedented.”
The Israeli Wire:
Trump is ‘making Israel great again’ (#MIGA):
Miriam Adelson: “He promised to recognize Jerusalem and to move the embassy to Jerusalem: Promise kept. [applause] He promised to withdraw from Iran nuclear deal — and promise kept. [applause] He promised to bring peace between Israel and Ar… Arab nations: Promise kept. […] he promised Golan Heights — and he recognized it. [applause] And all of this he did in his first term. […] which is why President Trump deserves the full support of the entire Jewish people [i.e. Zionist cultists].”
August 17
Britain:
Ziofascist black propaganda to divide and conquer British society:
More Ziofascist propaganda by two Ziofascist killer clowns on Talk TV:
USA:
August 18
Central Gaza:
More Ziofascist Israeli targeted attacks on journalists:
Children being malnourished and starving:
Insane internal displacement in Deir el-Balah:
Meet Ziofascist Israeli Daniel Hanukha/Hanukayev:
Ziofascist Israeli minister Bezalel Smotrich:
ICJ:
Ireland:
(USA in) Venezuela:
USA:
Antony Blinken:
August 19: The Al-Shati Camp Massacre
Israelis correctly accuse ‘national security’ minister Ben Gvir of being a terrorist:
Ziofascist Israeli genocidal intent:
A US-Israeli ‘ceasefire initiative’ aka excuse to continue the genocide:
Britain:
USA:
Palantir’s Alex Karp:
August 20
Zionism is Antisemitism:
Reactions:
A new poll has suggested a majority of Israelis believe the prison officials accused of sexually assaulting a Palestinian detainee should not face criminal charges and just be disciplined by the army.
Late last month, nine Israeli soldiers were arrested for the alleged rape of a Palestinian detained in Sde Teiman, a facility in southern Israel’s Negev desert.
Since Israel’s war on Gaza began in October, many Palestinians detained by Israeli forces have said they were sexually abused by troops at Sde Teiman.
However, no one had been arrested for the abuse until 29 July, when military police raided the facility, clashed with the soldiers and took them into custody.
The incident created a backlash in Israel, with a far-right mob, that included an MP and minister, storming the detention centre and a military court in protest against the arrests.
Five of those detained were released to house arrest on Tuesday, pending a potential decision by the army to file indictments.
On Sunday, the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) revealed that 65 percent of Israeli Jews thought that the five should be punished only by the army and not face criminal charges.
Bassem Youssef closes his Twitter/X account due to, presumably, Ziofascist threats against him:
Threats would later be issued against the outspoken Antizionist Dan Bilzerian, and one can assume that similar threats were issued against Bassem Yousef — specifically for reading or studying the satanic Talmud which legitimizes lying to gentiles/goyim/non-Jews and all sorts of crimes especially against them/us, including paedophilia:
USA:
Liam Cosgrove: “The civilian casualty rate in Ukraine by the Russian military is around 11.000 civilians, around 2000 children. In Gaza, it’s 40.000 civilians, 16.000 children. So that’s eight times the number of children killed, in one third of the time span by Israel. […] With that stark civilian casualty contrast, why have you determined that Russia is the bad guy and Israel the good guy?”
Pentagon propagandist: “[…] the brutality of Hamas in terms of embedding itself within mosques, schools, hospitals, building a tunnel network underneath Gaza […]”
The shooting of US volunteer Amado Sison by the Ziofascist Israeli regime:
Amado Sison: “The Israeli army shot me in the leg. Biden, what will you do?”
Amado Sison: “Palestinians in their daily life face violence more than what I faced. Before international volunteers came, they [soldiers] would come to the town every day and harrass the Palestinians, shoot at young boys. Settlers would come, attack the shepherds, shoot at them. When the international volunteers came to be with the farmers, and they were attacked. They shot at the Palestinians even though we were there.”
Amado Sison: “Biden said that if a US citizen is harmed, he would act, and I have not heard yet of any action by the US government. Will you end the genocide? Will you stop funding the genocide that is happening in Gaza? Will you sanction the settlers and the settlements that have attacked US citizens? Will you stop arming Israel and giving weapons?”
DNC:
